author = {Kobele, Gregory M.},
  title = {Actual Language Use and Competence Grammars},
  journal = {Theoretical Linguistics},
  year = {2016},
  volume = {42},
  number = {3-4},
  pages = {277-290},
  pdf = {files/Kobele16UseAndCompetence.pdf},
  doi = {10.1515/tl-2016-0012},
  abstract = {This is a commentary on an article by Ruth Kempson et
                  al.~motivating dynamic syntax.  I clarify their
                  position against competence/performance and other
                  distinctions, and argue that 1. incremental
                  interpretation comes `for free' with compositional
                  semantic interpretation, and 2. traditional
                  `competence' grammars can account for split
                  utterances in dialogue in exactly the way proposed
                  by Kempson et al.}
  author = {Kobele, Gregory M. and Jason Merchant},
  title = {The Dynamics of Elllipsis},
  journal = {Theoretical Linguistics},
  year = {2016},
  volume = {42},
  number = {3-4},
  pages = {291-296},
  pdf = {files/KobeleMerchant16DynamicsEllipsis.pdf},
  doi = {10.1515/tl-2016-0013},
  abstract = {This is a commentary on an article by Ruth Kempson et
                  al.~motivating dynamic syntax.  We claim that the
                  Dynamic Syntax approach to ellipsis is an instance
                  of one which is common to many frameworks.  We
                  describe Kobele's (2015) account (which is in the
                  same vein), and suggest that mismatches in ellipsis
                  will prove difficult for the DS variant.}
  author = {Alexander Clark and Makoto Kanazawa and Gregory M.~Kobele and Ryu Yoshinaka},
  title = {Distributional Learning of Some Nonlinear Tree Grammars},
  journal = {Fundamenta Informaticae},
  year = {2016},
  volume = {146},
  number = {4},
  pages = {339--377},
  doi = {10.3233/FI-2016-1391},
  pdf = {http://www.nii.ac.jp/TechReports/public_html/15-004E.pdf},
  abstract = {A key component of Clark and Yoshinaka's distributional
                  learning algorithms is the extraction of
                  substructures and contexts contained in the input
                  data. This problem often becomes intractable with
                  nonlinear grammar formalisms due to the fact that
                  more than polynomially many substructures and/or
                  contexts may be contained in each object. Previous
                  works on distributional learning of nonlinear
                  grammars avoided this difficulty by restricting the
                  substructures or contexts that are made available to
                  the learner. In this paper, we identify two classes
                  of nonlinear tree grammars for which the extraction
                  of substructures and contexts can be performed in
                  polynomial time, and which, consequently, admit
                  successful distributional learning in its
                  unmodified, original form.}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {{LF}-copying without {LF}},
  journal = {Lingua},
  year = 2015,
  volume = {166, part B},
  pages = {236--259},
  doi = {10.1016/j.lingua.2014.08.006},
  pdf = {files/Kobele14LFCopy.pdf},
  abstract = {A copying approach to ellipsis is presented, whereby the
                  locus of copying is not a level of derived syntactic
                  structure (LF), but rather the derivation
                  itself. The ban on preposition stranding in
                  sprouting follows without further stipulation, and
                  other, seemingly structure sensitive, empirical
                  generalizations about elliptical constructions,
                  including the preposition stranding generalization,
                  follow naturally as well. Destructive operations
                  which `repair' non-identical antecedents are recast
                  in terms of exact identity of derivations with
                  parameters. In the context of a compositional
                  semantic interpretation scheme, the derivational
                  copying approach to ellipsis presented here is
                  revealed to be a particular instance of a proform
                  theory, thus showing that the distinctions between,
                  and arguments about, syntactic and semantic theories
                  of ellipsis need to be revisited.}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele and Sylvain Salvati},
  title = {The {IO} and {OI} hierarchies, revisited},
  journal = {Information and Computation},
  year = 2015,
  volume = 243,
  pages = {205-221},
  doi = {10.1016/j.ic.2014.12.015},
  pdf = {files/KobeleSalvati14IOandOI.pdf},
  abstract = {We study languages of $\lambda$-terms generated by IO
                  and OI unsafe grammars. These languages can be used
                  to model meaning representations in the formal
                  semantics of natural languages following the
                  tradition of Montague. Using techniques pertaining
                  to the denotational semantics of the simply typed
                  $\lambda$-calculus, we show that the emptiness and
                  membership problems for both types of grammars are
                  decidable. In the course of the proof of the
                  decidability results for OI, we identify a decidable
                  variant of the $\lambda$-definability problem, and
                  prove a stronger form of Statman's finite
                  completeness Theorem.}
  author = {John Case and Jeffrey Heinz and Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Interpreted Learning: A framework for investigating the contribution of various information sources to the learning problem},
  booktitle = {Connectedness: Papers by and for {S}arah {V}an{W}agenen},
  publisher = {UCLA},
  year = 2014,
  editor = {Carson T.~Sch\"utze and Linnaea Stockall},
  volume = 18,
  series = {UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics},
  pages = {90-101},
  url = {http://www.linguistics.ucla.edu/faciliti/wpl/issues/wpl18/wpl18.html},
  pdf = {files/CaseEtAl14Sarah.pdf},
  abstract = {Natural language utterances presents learners with more information about
the underlying grammar than is typically encoded in the orthographic string.
While multiple information sources such as prosody, and semantics can be
encoded as a single object, allowing the results of typical learning frameworks
to apply, this coding obscures the question of exactly how the learner
can draw inferences about a single object from information made available
by these multiple different perspectives. Here we tease apart the contribution
of different information sources to the learning problem by generalizing
Gold's learning paradigm. The main result is a proof that multiple sources
of information can interact synergistically to facilitate learning of the target
underlying grammar.}
  author = {Kobele, Gregory M.},
  title = {Meeting the Boojum},
  journal = {Theoretical Linguistics},
  year = {2014},
  volume = {40},
  number = {1-2},
  pages = {165-173},
  pdf = {files/Kobele14Boojum.pdf},
  doi = {10.1515/tl-2014-0007},
  abstract = {This is a commentary on an article by M\"uller and
                  Wechsler comparing lexical and phrasal approaches to
                  argument structure.  I claim that the basic
                  distinction they are making between lexical and
                  phrasal approaches is not well defined, that their
                  arguments are circular, and that their complexity
                  metric is unmotivated.}
  author = {Makoto Kanazawa and Gregory M.~Kobele and Jens Michaelis and Sylvain Salvati and Ryo Yoshinaka},
  title = {The failure of the strong pumping lemma for multiple context-free languages},
  journal = {Theory of Computing Systems},
  year = 2014,
  volume = {55},
  number = {1},
  pages = {250--278},
  pdf = {files/KanazawaEtAl14.pdf},
  doi = {10.1007/s00224-014-9534-z},
  abstract = {Seki et al. (``On multiple context-free grammars'',
                  Theoretical Computer Science 88 (1991)) showed that
                  every m-multiple context-free language L is weakly
                  2m-iterative. Whether every m-multiple context-free
                  language L is 2m-iterative has been open. We show
                  that there is a 3-multiple context-free language
                  that is not k-iterative for any k.}
  year = 2013,
  booktitle = {Automata, Languages, and Programming},
  volume = 7966,
  series = {Lecture Notes in Computer Science},
  editor = {Fomin, Fedor V. and Freivalds, Rusins and Kwiatkowska, Marta and Peleg, David},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-642-39212-2_31},
  url = {http://hal.inria.fr/hal-00818069},
  title = {The {IO} and {OI} Hierarchies Revisited},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address = {Berlin},
  author = {Kobele, Gregory M. and Salvati, Sylvain},
  pages = {336-348},
  pdf = {files/KobeleSalvati13ICALP.pdf},
  abstract = {We study languages of $\lambda$-terms generated by IO and OI
                  unsafe grammars. These languages can be used to
                  model meaning representations in the formal
                  semantics of natural languages following the
                  tradition of Montague. Using techniques
                  pertaining to the denotational semantics of the
                  simply typed $\lambda$-calculus, we show that the emptiness
                  and membership problems for both types of grammars
                  are decidable. In the course of the proof of the
                  decidability results for OI, we identify a decidable
                  variant of the $\lambda$-definability problem, and prove a
                  stronger form of Statman's finite completeness
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele and Sabrina Gerth and John T.~Hale},
  title = {Memory Resource Allocation in Top-Down Minimalist Parsing},
  booktitle = {FG 2012/2013},
  pages = {32--51},
  editor = {Glyn Morrill and Mark-Jan Nederhof},
  publisher = {Springer},
  year = 2013,
  volume = 8036,
  series = {Lecture Notes in Computer Science},
  address = {Heidelberg},
  pdf = {files/KobeleEtAl12.pdf},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-642-39998-5_3},
  abstract = {This paper provides a linking theory between the
                  minimalist grammar formalism and off-line
                  behavioural data. We examine the transient stack
                  states of a top-down parser for Minimalist Grammars
                  as it analyzes embedded sentences in English, Dutch
                  and German. We find that the number of time steps
                  that a derivation tree node persist on the parser's
                  stack derives the observed contrasts in English
                  center embedding, and the difference between German
                  and Dutch embedding.  This particular stack
                  occupancy measure formalizes the leading idea of
                  ``memory burden'' in a way that links predictive,
                  incremental parsing to specific syntactic analyses.}
  author = {Kobele, Gregory M.},
  title = {Idioms and extended transducers},
  booktitle = {Proceedings of the 11th International Workshop on Tree Adjoining Grammars and Related Formalisms (TAG+11)},
  month = {September},
  year = {2012},
  address = {Paris, France},
  pages = {153--161},
  pdf = {files/Kobele12Idioms.pdf},
  http = {http://www.aclweb.org/anthology-new/W/W12/W12-4618},
  abstract = {There is a tension between the idea that idioms can be
                  both listed in the lexicon, and the idea that they
                  are themselves composed of the lexical items which
                  seem to inhabit them in the standard way. In other
                  words, in order to maintain the insight that idioms
                  actually contain the words they look like they
                  contain, we need to derive them syntactically from
                  these words. However, the entity that should be
                  assigned a special meaning is then a derivation,
                  which is not the kind of object that can occur in a
                  lexicon (which is, by definition, the atoms of which
                  derivations are built), and thus not the kind of
                  thing that we are able to assign meanings directly
                  to. Here I show how to resolve this tension in an
                  elegant way, one which bears striking similarities
                  to those proposed by psychologists and
                  psycholinguists working on idioms.}
  author = {Kobele, Gregory M.  and  Micha\/elis, Jens},
  title = {On the Form-Meaning Relations Definable by {CoTAGs}},
  booktitle = {Proceedings of the 11th International Workshop on Tree Adjoining Grammars and Related Formalisms (TAG+11)},
  month = {September},
  year = {2012},
  address = {Paris, France},
  pages = {207--213},
  pdf = {files/KobeleMichaelis12TAG.pdf},
  http = {http://www.aclweb.org/anthology-new/W/W12/W12-4624},
  abstract = { Barker notes that from a purely syntactic perspective,
                  in the context of simple (i.e. not multicomponent)
                  TAGs, adding cosubstitution affects neither weak nor
                  strong generative capacity (in the sense of derived
                  string and tree languages).  Clearly, however,
                  something is different: after adding the operation
                  of cosubstitution, derivational order matters in the
                  sense that one derived syntactic representation can
                  potentially be associated with more than one
                  simultaneously derived semantic representation. As
                  Barker points out, the introduction of the
                  cosubstitution operator allows for a straightforward
                  adaption of the notion of derivation tree such that
                  two derivation trees can be different depending on
                  when a cosubstitution step takes place.  We
                  demonstrate that the form-meaning mappings definable
                  by coTAGs go beyond those of ``simple'' STAGs
                  (Shieber, 1994; Shieber, 2006).  In particular, the
                  set of meanings, the second projection of the
                  synchronously derived syntactic and semantic
                  representations, can be -- up to a homomorphism
                  abstracting away from instances of $\lambda$ and
                  variables -- the non-tree adjoining language MIX(k),
                  for any $k \ge 3$.}
  address = {Stanford},
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  booktitle = {Proceedings of the 19th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, Chungnam National University Daejeon},
  editor = {Stefan M{\"u}ller},
  pages = {307--324},
  publisher = {CSLI Publications},
  title = {Eliding the Derivation: A Minimalist Formalization of Ellipsis},
  year = 2012,
  pdf = {files/Kobele12HPSG.pdf},
  http = {http://cslipublications.stanford.edu/HPSG/2012/},
  abstract = {In this paper I use the formal framework of
                  minimalist grammars to implement a version of the
                  traditional approach to ellipsis as `deletion under
                  syntactic (derivational) identity,' which, in
                  conjunction with canonical analyses of voice
                  phenomena, immediately allows for voice mismatches
                  in verb phrase ellipsis, but not in sluicing. This
                  approach to ellipsis is naturally implemented in a
                  parser by means of threading a state encoding a set
                  of possible antecedent derivation contexts through
                  the derivation tree. Similarities between ellipsis
                  and pronominal resolution are easily stated in these
                  terms.  In the context of this implementation, two
                  approaches to ellipsis in the transformational
                  community are naturally seen as equivalent
                  descriptions at different levels: the LF-copying
                  approach to ellipsis resolution is best seen as a
                  description of the parser, whereas the phonological
                  deletion approach a description of the underlying
                  relation between form and meaning}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Deriving Reconstruction Asymmetries},
  booktitle = {Local Modeling of Non-Local Dependencies in Syntax},
  pages = {477--500},
  publisher = {de Gruyter},
  address = {Berlin},
  year = 2012,
  editor = {Artemis Alexiadou and Tibor Kiss and Gereon M\"uller},
  volume = 547,
  series = {Linguistische Arbeiten},
  pdf = {files/Kobele08DGfS.pdf},
  http = {http://www.degruyter.com/view/product/184955},
  abstract = {There appears to be a systematic difference in the
                  reconstructability of noun phrases and
                  predicates. In this paper I show that reconstructing
                  the A/A-bar distinction in terms of slash-feature
                  percolation and movement allows for a simple
                  derivational formulation of the principles of
                  binding and scope which derives a generalization
                  very much along the lines of the one presented by
                  Huang (1993).}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele and Malte Zimmermann},
  title = {Quantification in German},
  booktitle = {Handbook of Quantifiers in Natural Language},
  pages = {227--283},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address = {Berlin},
  year = 2012,
  editor = {Edward L.~Keenan and Denis Paperno},
  volume = 90,
  series = {Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy},
  chapter = 5,
  doi = {10.1007/978-94-007-2681-9_5},
  pdf = {files/KobeleZimmermann12.pdf},
  abstract = {This paper is a systematic survey of the linguistic
                  expression of quantification in German.}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Importing Montagovian Dynamics into Minimalism},
  booktitle = {Logical Aspects of Computational Linguistics},
  year = {2012},
  publisher = {Springer},
  editor = {Denis B\'echet and Alexandre Dikovsky},
  volume = 7351,
  series = {Lecture Notes in Computer Science},
  address = {Berlin},
  pages = {103--118},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-642-31262-5_7},
  pdf = {files/Kobele12MontagovianDynamics.pdf},
  abstract = {Minimalist analyses typically treat quantifier scope
                  interactions as being due to movement, thereby
                  bringing constraints thereupon into the purview of
                  the grammar. Here we adapt De Groote's
                  continuation-based presentation of dynamic semantics
                  to minimalist grammars.  This allows for a simple
                  and simply typed compositional interpretation scheme
                  for minimalism}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele and Jens Micha\/elis},
  title = {{CoTAGs} and {ACGs}},
  booktitle = {Logical Aspects of Computational Linguistics},
  year = {2012},
  publisher = {Springer},
  editor = {Denis B\'echet and Alexandre Dikovsky},
  volume = 7351,
  series = {Lecture Notes in Computer Science},
  address = {Berlin},
  pages = {119--134},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-642-31262-5_8},
  pdf = {files/KobeleMichaelis12LACL.pdf},
  abstract = {Our main concern is to provide a complete picture of how
                  coTAGs, as a particular variant within the general
                  framework of tree adjoining grammars (TAGs), can be
                  captured under the notion of abstract categorial
                  grammars (ACGs). coTAGs have been introduced by
                  Barker as an ``alternative conceptualization'' in
                  order to cope with the tension between the
                  TAG-mantra of the ``locality of syntactic
                  dependencies'' and the seeming non-locality of
                  quantifier scope. We show how our formalization of
                  Barker's proposal leads to a class of higher order
                  ACGs.  By taking this particular perspective,
                  Barker's proposal turns out as a straightforward
                  extension of the proposal of Pogodalla, where the
                  former in addition to ``simple'' inverse scope
                  phenomena also captures inverse linking and
                  non-inverse linking phenomena.}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Ellipsis: Computation of},
  journal = {WIREs Cognitive Science},
  year = 2012,
  volume = {3},
  number = {3},
  pages = {411--418},
  pdf = {files/Kobele12ComputationEllipsis.pdf},
  doi = {10.1002/wcs.1168},
  abstract = {A computational account of ellipsis should specify not
                  only how the meaning of an elliptical sentence is
                  computed in context, but also a description of what
                  is being computed. Many proposals can be divided
                  into two groups, as per whether they compute the
                  meaning of an elliptical sentence based on the
                  semantic or the syntactic parts of its context. A
                  unifying theme of these proposals is that they are
                  all based on the idea that the meaning of an
                  elliptical sentence is determinable based on a
                  structured representation which is
                  transformationally related to its surface syntactic
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele and Jens~Micha\/elis},
  title = {Disentangling Notions of Specifier Impenetrability: Late Adjunction, Islands, and Expressive Power},
  editor = {Makoto Kanazawa and Andr\'as Kornai and Marcus Kracht and Hiroyuki Seki},
  booktitle = {The Mathematics of Language},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address = {Berlin},
  year = 2011,
  volume = 6878,
  series = {Lecture Notes in Computer Science},
  pages = {126--142},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-642-23211-4},
  pdf = {files/KobeleMichaelis11.pdf},
  abstract = {In this paper we investigate the weak generative
                  capacity of minimalist grammars with late
                  adjunction. We show that by viewing the Specifier
                  Island Condition as the union of three separate
                  constraints, we obtain a more nuanced perspective on
                  previous results on constraint interaction in
                  minimalist grammars, as well as the beginning of a
                  map of the interaction between late adjunction and
                  movement constraints. Our main result is that
                  minimalist grammars with the SpIC on movement
                  generated specifiers only and with the Shortest Move
                  Constraint, in conjunction with late adjunction, can
                  define languages whose intersection with an
                  appropriate regular language is not semilinear.}
  author = {Christina S.~Kim and Gregory M.~Kobele 
                  and Jeffery T.~Runner and John T.~Hale},
  title = {The acceptability cline in {VP} ellipsis},
  journal = {Syntax},
  pages = {318--354},
  volume = 14,
  number = 4,
  year = {2011},
  doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9612.2011.00160.x},
  pdf = {files/KimEtAl11.pdf},
  abstract = {This paper lays the foundations for a processing model
                  of relative acceptability levels in verb phrase
                  ellipsis (VPE). In the proposed model, mismatching
                  VPE examples are grammatical but less acceptable
                  because they violate heuristic parsing
                  strategies. This analysis is presented in a
                  Minimalist Grammar formalism that is compatible with
                  standard parsing techniques.  The overall proposal
                  integrates computational assumptions about parsing
                  with a psycholinguistic linking hypothesis. These
                  parts work together with the syntactic analysis to
                  derive novel predictions that are confirmed in a
                  controlled experiment.}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Minimalist Tree Languages are Closed under Intersection with Recognizable Tree Languages},
  year = {2011},
  booktitle = {LACL 2011},
  pages = {129--144},
  editor = {Sylvain Pogodalla and Jean-Philippe Prost},
  volume = {6736},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address = {Berlin},
  series = {Lecture Notes in Artificial Intelligence},
  doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-22221-4},
  pdf = {files/Kobele11LACL.pdf},
  abstract = {Minimalist grammars are a mildly context-sensitive
                  grammar framework within which analyses in
                  mainstream chomskyian syntax can be faithfully
                  represented. Here it is shown that both the
                  derivation tree languages and derived tree languages
                  of minimalist grammars are closed under intersection
                  with regular tree languages. This allows us to
                  conclude that taking into account the possibility of
                  `semantic crashes' in the standard approach to
                  interpreting minimalist structures does not alter
                  the strong generative capacity of the formalism. In
                  addition, the addition to minimalist grammars of
                  complexity filters is easily shown using a similar
                  proof method to not change the class of derived tree
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {A Formal Foundation for {A} and {A}-bar Movement in the Minimalist Program},
  editor = {Christian Ebert and Gerhard J\"ager and Jens Michaelis},
  booktitle = {MOL 10/11},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address = {Berlin},
  year = 2010,
  volume = 6149,
  series = {Lecture Notes in Computer Science},
  pages = {145--159},
  doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-14322-9},
  pdf = {files/Kobele10AAbar.pdf},
  abstract = {It seems a fact that movement dependencies come in two
                  flavours: ``A'' and ``A-bar''. Over the years, a number
                  of apparently independent properties have been shown
                  to cluster together around this
                  distinction. However, the basic structural property
                  relating these two kinds of movement, the ban on
                  improper movement (`once you go bar, you never go
                  back'), has never been given a satisfactory
                  explanation.  Here, I propose a timing-based account
                  of the A/A-bar distinction, which derives the ban on
                  improper movement, and allows for a simple and
                  elegant account of some of their differences. In
                  this account, ``A'' dependencies are those which are
                  entered into before an expression is first merged
                  into a structure, and ``A-bar'' dependencies are those
                  an expression enters into after having been
                  merged. The resulting system is mildly
                  context-sensitive, providing therefore a restrictive
                  account of possible human grammars, while remaining
                  expressive enough to be able to describe the kinds
                  of dependencies which are thought to be manifest.}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Without Remnant Movement, {MG}s are Context-Free},
  booktitle = {MOL 10/11},
  editor = {Christian Ebert and Gerhard J\"ager and Jens Michaelis},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address = {Berlin},
  year = 2010,
  volume = 6149,
  series = {Lecture Notes in Computer Science},
  pages = {160--173},
  doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-14322-9},
  pdf = {files/Kobele10RemnantMvt.pdf},
  abstract = {Minimalist grammars offer a formal perspective on a
                  popular linguistic theory, and are comparable in
                  weak generative capacity to other mildly context
                  sensitive formalism. Minimalist grammars allow for
                  the straightforward definition of so-called remnant
                  movement constructions, which have found use in many
                  linguistic analyses. It has been conjectured that
                  the ability to generate this kind of configuration
                  is crucial to the super-context-free expressivity of
                  minimalist grammars. This conjecture is here
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Inverse Linking via Function Composition},
  journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
  year = 2010,
  volume = 18,
  number = 2,
  pages = {183--196},
  doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11050-009-9053-7},
  pdf = {files/Kobele10InverseLinking.pdf},
  abstract = {The phenomenon of Inverse Linking has proven challenging
                  for theories of the syntax-semantics interface; a
                  noun phrase within another behaves with respect to
                  binding as though it were structurally independent.
                  In this paper I show that, using an LF-movement
                  style approach to the syntax-semantics interface, we
                  can derive all and only the appropriate meanings for
                  such constructions using no semantic operations
                  other than function application and composition. The
                  solution relies neither on a proliferation of
                  lexical ambiguity nor on abandoning the idea that
                  pronouns denote variables, but rather on a
                  straightforward (and standard) reification of
                  assignment functions, which allows us to define
                  abstraction operators within our models.}
  author = {Jeffrey Heinz and Gregory M.~Kobele and Jason Riggle},
  title = {Evaluating the Complexity of {O}ptimality {T}heory},
  journal = {Linguistic Inquiry},
  year = 2009,
  volume = 40,
  number = 2,
  pages = {277-288},
  doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2009.40.2.277},
  pdf = {files/HeinzEtAl09.pdf},
  abstract = {Idsardi (2006) claims that Optimality Theory (OT; Prince
                  and Smolensky 1993/2004) is ``in general
                  computationally intractable'' on the basis of a proof
                  adapted from Eisner (1997a). We take issue with this
                  conclusion on two grounds. First, the intractability
                  result holds only in cases where the constraint set
                  is not fixed in advance (contra usual definitions of
                  OT) and second, the result crucially depends on a
                  particular representation of OT grammars. We show
                  that there is an alternative representation of OT
                  grammars that allows for efficient computation of
                  optimal surface forms and provides deeper insight
                  into the sources of complexity of Optimality
                  Theory. We conclude that it is a mistake to reject
                  Optimality Theory on the grounds that it is
                  computationally intractable.}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Syntactic Identity in Survive Minimalism: Ellipsis and the Derivational Identity Hypothesis},
  booktitle = {Towards a derivational syntax: Survive-minimalism},
  publisher = {John Benjamins},
  address = {Amsterdam},
  year = {2009},
  editor = {Michael T.~Putnam},
  http = {http://benjamins.com/#catalog/books/la.144/},
  pdf = {files/Kobele09Survive.pdf},
  abstract = {Over the years, a number of counter-examples to the
                  hypothesis that ellipsis resolution is mediated via
                  syntactic identity have been identified. However, in
                  the same time evidence which seems to require
                  comparison of syntactic structures in ellipsis
                  resolution has also been unearthed. On top of this
                  empirical puzzle, survive minimalism places an
                  additional theoretical constraint: syntactic
                  structures, once assembled, are opaque to further
                  search or manipulation. In this paper, I show that a
                  simple perspective shift allows us both to view the
                  purported counter-examples as providing glimpses
                  into the nature of the operations which build
                  syntactic structure, and to satisfy the theoretical
                  constraints imposed by survive minimalism's
                  derivational take on syntactic structure.}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Across-the-Board Extraction in Minimalist Grammars},
  booktitle = {Proceedings of the Ninth International Workshop on Tree Adjoining Grammar and Related Formalisms (TAG+9)},
  pages = {113--128},
  year = 2008,
  pdf = {files/Kobele08TAG.pdf},
  abstract = {Minimalist grammars cannot provide adequate descriptions
                  of constructions in which a single filler saturates
                  two mutually independent gaps, as is commonly
                  analyzed to be the case in parasitic gap
                  constructions and other across-the-board extraction
                  phenomena. In this paper, I show how a simple
                  addition to the minimalist grammar formalism allows
                  for a unified treatment of control and parasitic gap
                  phenomena, and can be restricted in such a way as to
                  account for across-the-board exceptions to the
                  coordinate structure constraint.  In the context of
                  standard constraints on movement, the weak
                  generative capacity of the formalism remains
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Agreement Bottlenecks in {I}talian},
  booktitle = {Computational Algebraic Approaches to Natural Language},
  editor = {Claudia Casadio and Joachim Lambek},
  publisher = {Polimetrica},
  year = 2008,
  address = {Milan},
  pages = {191--212},
  http = {http://www.polimetrica.com/index.php?p=productsMore&iProduct=73&sName=computational-algebraic-approaches-to-natural-language-(claudia-casadio-joachim-lambek)},
  pdf = {files/Kobele08AgreementBottlenecks.pdf},
  abstract = {This paper follows a progression of pregroup analyses of
                  agreement in the Italian DP as they are successively
                  modified so as to express more sophisticated
                  relationships between overt expressions of
                  agreement. The desire to state our intuitions about
                  the data directly in the object language of the
                  theory will be seen to put pressures on the
                  underlying combinatory system that the types will be
                  unable to accommodate.  Allowing more expressive
                  types (while holding constant the underlying
                  calculus) will alleviate some of the pressure put on
                  the combinatory system, and allow us to capture
                  certain generalizations about relations between
                  paradigms that are out of the reach of previous
                  analyses. In particular, it will be shown that
                  certain kinds of `meta-paradigmatic' phenomena
                  [Bobaljik, 2002] are statable without additional
                  stipulation in our setting.}
  author = {Gregory M. Kobele and Christian Retor\'e and Sylvain Salvati},
  title = {An automata theoretic approach to minimalism},
  booktitle = {Proceedings of the Workshop Model-Theoretic Syntax at 10; ESSLLI '07},
  editor = {James Rogers and Stephan Kepser},
  chapter = 9,
  address = {Dublin},
  year = 2007,
  http = {http://cs.earlham.edu/esslli07mts},
  pdf = {files/KobeleEtAl07.pdf},
  abstract = {We show in this paper how, given a minimalist grammar $G$,
                  to construct a simple, regular, characterization of
                  its well formed derivations. We obtain both a
                  bottom-up and a top-down characterization of the
                  function from minimalist derivations to derived
                  trees. The same construction extends to minimalist
                  grammars with copying. In other words, the structure
                  languages generated by minimalist grammars with
                  (without) copying are contained in the output
                  languages of (finite copying) tree homomorphisms.
                  Compositionality is naturally formulated as a
                  transduction mapping derivation trees to (terms
                  denoting) semantic values. The compositional
                  semantics for minimalist grammars introduced in
                  Kobele (2006) is naturally expressed in terms of a
                  transduction of the same type as that mapping
                  derivations to derived trees. We present a general
                  method of synchronizing (in the sense of Shieber
                  (1994)) multiple transductions over the same
                  derivation, showing as a result that the
                  form-meaning relations definable by MGs interpreted
                  as per Kobele (2006) can be described as bimorphisms
                  of type $B(M,M)$.}
  author = {Gregory Kobele and Harold Torrence},
  title = {Intervention and focus in {A}sante {T}wi},
  booktitle = {Papers on Information Structure in African Languages},
  pages = {161--184},
  publisher = {ZAS},
  year = 2006,
  editor = {Ines Fiedler and Anne Schwarz},
  volume = {46(12)},
  series = {ZAS Papers in Linguistics},
  address = {Berlin},
  http = {http://www.zas.gwz-berlin.de/187.html},
  pdf = {files/KobeleTorrence06.pdf},
  abstract = {This paper concerns the distribution of wh-words in
                  Asante Twi, which has both a focus fronting strategy
                  and an in-situ strategy. We show that the focusing
                  and the in-situ constructions are not simply equally
                  available options. On the contrary, there are
                  several cases where the focusing strategy must be
                  used and the in-situ strategy is ungrammatical. We
                  show that the cases in Asante Twi are ``intervention
                  effects'', which are attested in other languages,
                  like German, Korean, and French. We identify a core
                  set of intervening elements that all of these
                  languages have and discuss their properties.}
  author = {Gregory M. Kobele and Marcus Kracht},
  title = {Pregroup Grammars are Turing Complete},
  booktitle = {Proceedings of the 29th Pennsylvania Linguistics Colloquium},
  year = 2006,
  pages = {189--198},
  editor = {Aviad Eilam and Tatjana Scheffler and Joshua Tauberer},
  volume = 12,
  number = 1,
  series = {University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics},
  http = {http://ling.upenn.edu/papers/v12.1-contents.html},
  pdf = {files/KobeleKracht06.pdf},
  abstract = {Pregroups were introduced in (Lambek, 1999), and provide
                  a foundation for a particularly simple syntactic
                  calculus. Buszkowski (2001) showed that free
                  pregroup grammars generate exactly the
                  $\epsilon$-free context-free languages.  Here we
                  characterize the class of languages generable by all
                  pregroups, which will be shown to be the entire
                  class of recursively enumerable languages. To show
                  this result, we rely on the well-known
                  representation of recursively enumerable languages
                  as the homomorphic image of the intersection of two
                  context-free languages (Ginsburg et al., 1967). We
                  define an operation of cross-product over grammars
                  (so-called because of its behaviour on the types),
                  and show that the cross-product of any two
                  free-pregroup grammars generates exactly the
                  intersection of their respective languages.  The
                  representation theorem applies once we show that
                  allowing `empty categories' (i.e. lexical items
                  without overt phonological content) allows us to
                  mimic the effects of any string homomorphism.}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele},
  title = {Generating Copies: An investigation into structural identity in language and grammar},
  school = {University of California, Los Angeles},
  year = 2006,
  http = {diss.html},
  pdf = {files/Kobele06GeneratingCopies.pdf}
  author = {Gregory M. Kobele},
  title = {Features moving madly: A formal perspective on feature percolation in the minimalist program},
  journal = {Research on Language and Computation},
  year = 2005,
  volume = 3,
  number = 4,
  pages = {391--410},
  doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11168-006-6330-1},
  pdf = {files/Kobele05FMM.pdf},
  abstract = {I show that adding a mechanism of feature percolation
                  (via specifier head agreement) to Minimalist
                  Grammars (MGs) [Stabler, 1997] takes them out of the
                  class of context-sensitive grammar formalisms. The
                  main theorem of the paper is that adding a mechanism
                  of feature percolation to MGs allows them to
                  implement infinite abaci [Lambek, 1961], which can
                  simulate any Turing Machine computation. As a simple
                  corollary, I show that, for any computable function
                  $f$ over natural numbers, MGs thus enhanced can
                  generate the unary language corresponding to the
                  range of $f$.}
  author = {Gregory M. Kobele and Jens Micha\/elis},
  title = {Two Type 0-Variants of Minimalist Grammars},
  booktitle = {Proceedings of the 10th conference on Formal Grammar and the 9th Meeting on Mathematics of Language},
  year = 2009,
  editor = {Gerhard J{\"a}ger and Paola Monachesi and Gerald Penn and James Rogers and Shuly Wintner},
  address = {Stanford},
  publisher = {CSLI Online Publications},
  http = {http://cslipublications.stanford.edu/FG/2005/index.html},
  pdf = {files/KobeleMichaelis05.pdf},
  abstract = {Minimalist grammars (Stabler 1997) capture some
                  essential ideas about the basic operations of
                  sentence construction in the Chomskyian syntactic
                  tradition. Their affinity with the unformalized
                  theories of working linguists makes it easier to
                  implement and thereby to better understand the
                  operations appealed to in neatly accounting for some
                  of the regularities perceived in language. Here we
                  characterize the expressive power of two, apparently
                  quite different, variations on the basic minimalist
                  grammar framework, gotten by either adding a
                  mechanism of `feature percolation' (Kobele, 2005),
                  or, instead of adding a central constraint on
                  movement (the `specifier island condition', Stabler
                  1999), using it to replace another one (the
                  `shortest move condition', Stabler 1997, 1999)
                  (G\"artner and Michaelis, 2005).  We demonstrate that
                  both variants have equal, unbounded, computing power
                  by showing how each can simulate straightforwardly a
                  2-counter automaton.}
  author = {Yoosook Lee and Travis C.~Collier and Gregory M.~Kobele and Edward P.~Stabler and Charles E.~Taylor},
  title = {Grammar Structure and the Dynamics of Language Evolution},
  booktitle = {Advances in Artificial Life},
  pages = {624--633},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address = {Berlin},
  year = 2005,
  editor = {Mathieu S.~Capcarrere and Alex A.~Freitas and Peter J.~Bentley and Colin G.~Johnson and Jon Timmis},
  volume = 3630,
  series = {Lecture Notes in Computer Science},
  note = {Proceedings of the 8th European Conference, ECAL 2005},
  doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/11553090},
  pdf = {files/LeeEtAl05.pdf},
  abstract = {The complexity, variation, and change of languages make
                  evident the importance of representation and
                  learning in the acquisition and evolution of
                  language. For example, analytic studies of simple
                  language in unstructured populations have shown
                  complex dynamics, depending on the fidelity of
                  language transmission. In this study we extend these
                  analysis of evolutionary dynamics to include
                  grammars inspired by the principles and parameters
                  paradigm. In particular, the space of languages is
                  structured so that some pairs of languages are more
                  similar than others, and mutations tend to change
                  languages to nearby variants.  We found that
                  coherence emerges with lower learning fidelity than
                  predicted by earlier work with an unstructured
                  language space.}
  author = {Gregory M. Kobele and Jason Riggle and Richard Brooks and David Friedlander and Charles Taylor and Edward Stabler},
  title = {Induction of Prototypes in a Robotic Setting Using Local Search {MDL}},
  booktitle = {Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Artificial Life and Robotics},
  pages = {482--485},
  year = 2004,
  editor = {Masanori Sugisaka and Hiroshi Tanaka},
  pdf = {files/KobeleEtAl04.pdf},
  abstract = {Categorizing objects sets the stage for more advanced
                  interactions with the environment. Minimum
                  Description Length learning provides a framework in
                  which to investigate processes by which concept
                  learning might take place. Importantly, the concepts
                  so acquired can be viewed as having a prototype
                  structure - the concepts may apply to one object
                  better than to another. We ground our discussion in
                  a real-world setting - objects to categorize are
                  sensor readings of the behaviours of two mobile
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele and Jason Riggle and Travis C.~Collier and Yoosook Lee and Ying Lin and Yuan Yao and Charles E.~Taylor and Edward P.~Stabler},
  title = {Grounding As Learning},
  booktitle = {Proceedings of the Workshop/Course on Language Evolution and Computation, ESSLLI `03},
  pages = {87--94},
  editor = {Simon Kirby},
  address = {Vienna},
  year = 2003,
  http = {http://www.lel.ed.ac.uk/~simon/esslli.html},
  pdf = {files/KobeleEtAl03.pdf},
  abstract = {Communication among agents requires (among many other
                  things) that each agent be able to identify the
                  semantic values of the generators of the
                  language. This is the ``grounding'' problem: how do
                  agents with different cognitive and perceptual
                  experiences successfully converge on common (or at
                  least sufficiently similar) meanings for the
                  language? There are many linguistic studies of how
                  human learners do this, and also studies of how this
                  could be achieved in robotic contexts (e.g.,
                  (Steels, 1996; Kirby, 1999)). These studies provide
                  insight, but few of them characterize the problem
                  precisely. In what range of environments can which
                  range of languages be properly grounded by
                  distributed agents? This paper takes a first step
                  toward bringing the tools of formal language theory
                  to bear on this problem. In the first place, these
                  tools easily reveal a number of grounding problems
                  which are simply unsolvable with reasonable
                  assumptions about the evidence available, and some
                  problems that can be solved. In the second place,
                  these tools provide a framework for exploring more
                  sophisticated grounding strategies (Stabler et al.,
                  2003). We explore here some preliminary ideas about
                  how hypotheses about syntactic structure can
                  interact with hypotheses about grounding in a
                  fruitful way to provide a new perspective on the
                  emergence of recursion in language. Simpler
                  grounding methods look for some kind of correlation
                  between the mere occurrence of particular basic
                  generators and semantic elements, but richer
                  hypotheses about relations among the generators
                  themselves can provide valuable additional
                  constraints on the problem.}
  author = {Gregory M.~Kobele and Travis C.~Collier and Charles E.~Taylor and Edward P.~Stabler},
  title = {Learning Mirror Theory},
  booktitle = {Proceedings of the Sixth International Workshop on Tree
               Grammars and Related Frameworks (TAG+6)},
  address = {Venice},
  year = 2002,
  pdf = {files/KobeleEtAl02.pdf},
  abstract = {Here we investigate the learnability of classes of
                  mirror-theoretic grammars from dependency
                  structures, which show relations among the lexical
                  items in a sentence, information which is, at least
                  in many cases, plausibly available to the language
                  learner (surface order, morphological decomposition
                  and affixation and selection relations).  We define
                  conditions under which this is possible.  Adapting a
                  technique familiar from (Kanazawa, 1998) and others,
                  we show that if the lexical ambiguity in target
                  grammars is restricted, this can provide a basis for
                  generalization from the finite sample. Our results
                  show that the class of mirror theoretic grammars in
                  which every lexical item has a unique phonetic
                  string (the 1-rigid grammars) is identifiable in the
                  limit from any text of dependency structures.}
  author = {Edward P.~Stabler and Travis C.~Collier and Gregory M.~Kobele and Yoosook Lee and Ying Lin and Jason Riggle and Yuan Yao and Charles E.~Taylor},
  title = {The Learning and Emergence of Mildly Context Sensitive Languages},
  booktitle = {Advances in Artificial Life},
  pages = {525--534},
  publisher = {Springer},
  year = 2003,
  address = {Berlin},
  editor = {Wolfgang Banzhaf and Thomas Christaller and Peter Dittrich and Jan T.~Kim and Jens Ziegler},
  volume = 2801,
  series = {Lecture Notes in Computer Science},
  doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/b12035},
  pdf = {files/StablerEtAl03.pdf},
  abstract = {This paper describes a framework for studies of the
                  adaptive acquisition and evolution of language, with
                  the following components: language learning begins
                  by associating words with cognitively salient
                  representations (``grounding''); the sentences of each
                  language are determined by properties of lexical
                  items, and so only these need to be transmitted by
                  learning; the learnable languages allow multiple
                  agreements, multiple crossing agreements, and
                  reduplication, as mildly context sensitive and human
                  languages do; infinitely many different languages
                  are learnable; many of the learnable languages
                  include infinitely many sentences; in each language,
                  inferential processes can be defined over succinct
                  representations of the derivations themselves; the
                  languages can be extended by innovative responses to
                  communicative demands. Preliminary analytic results
                  and a robotic implementation are described.}
  author = {Gregory M. Kobele},
  title = {Formalizing Mirror Theory},
  journal = {Grammars},
  year = 2002,
  volume = 5,
  number = 3,
  pages = {177--221},
  doi = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1022104104992},
  pdf = {files/Kobele02FMT.pdf},
  abstract = {Mirror theory is a theory of (morpho-) syntax introduced
                  in (Brody, 1997). Here I present a formalization of
                  the theory, and study some of its language theoretic
  year = 2001,
  author = {Kyubum Wee and Travis C.~Collier and Gregory M.~Kobele and Edward P.~Stabler and Charles E.~Taylor},
  title = {Natural language interface to an intrusion detection system},
  booktitle = {Proceedings, International Conference on Control, Automation and Systems},
  organization = {ICCAS},
  pdf = {files/WeeEtAl01.pdf},
  abstract = {Computer security is a very important issue these
                  days. Computer viruses, worms, Trojan horses, and
                  cracking are prevalent and causing serious
                  damages. There are also many ways developed to
                  defend against such attacks including cryptography
                  and firewalls. However, it is not possible to
                  guarantee complete security of computer systems or
                  networks. Recently much attention has been directed
                  to ways to detect intrusions and recover from
                  damages.  Although there have been a lot of research
                  efforts to develop efficient intrusion detection
                  systems, little has been done to facilitate the
                  interaction between intrusion detection systems and
                  users. Reports and presentations of current states
                  of the computers or networks to the user in a format
                  that is easy to understand as well as specification
                  of security policies from the user are important
                  aspects of intrusion detection systems. We present
                  our first steps to develop natural language
                  interface between a user and an intrusion detection
                  system using minimalist transformational grammar and
                  Prolog. Our system takes a pseudo-English query from
                  the user, parses it using CYK -like algorithm,
                  converts it into a formula in Horn logic, feeds it
                  to Prolog, and then gets the answer back in a simple

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