Conspiracy of Catiline [ca. 43-40 B.C.]
by Sallust [87-35 B.C.]
Reading notes--Adam Kissel
[outline more or less following
Ramsey and Syme 1964, 67 f.] [page numbers below are from Rolfe (Loeb edn.)]1-4 Preface
Mind and body work together, 1.7; qualities of mind availed most in war, 2.2
Win and retain empire, 2.4; the better men rise to power, 2.6
Earlier men were content and did not covet, 2.1
History is important but difficult, and second to real action. 3.1-2
readers of history may disbelieve. 3.2
Sallust began in public life, was trapped almost by ambition [defending himself against his earlier reputation], 3.3-5
comes out as a historian, 4
will write as briefly and as truthfully as possible, 4
5-13 on Catiline and Rome
Catiline had strong mind and body, misdirected, 5.1; disordered, 5.5
Follower in the footsteps of Sulla, 5.6
felt guilty, and this was intensified by the corruption of morals, 5.7-8
"luxuria atque avaritia" causing Rome's downfall, 5.8
5.8-13.4 on earlier Rome, to Sulla
At first, "encouraged one another, went to meet the foe, and defended their liberty, their country, and their parents by arms" 6.5; gave rather than received favors. Constitutional monarchy, 6.6, minds over bodies.
Struggle for glory to outdo one another in virtue, 7
no time for history, 8, while the Athenians were slightly worse than the Romans because they did have historians [Rome is now sufficiently corrupt to have its own historians]
bold in war and just in peace, 9
evidence in war: more punishments for boldness than cowardice
evidence in peace: prefer forgiveness to vengeance.
[problem for Caesar/Cato: are they at war or peace? Depends on whether planned-war equals war; akin to the body vs. soul dichotomy]
Later, after beating Carthage, leisure and wealth become burden and curse, 10.1-2
lust for money and power, 10.3, roots of evil; vices grow and overtake the government, 10.4-6
ambition is a fault akin to virtue, 11.1: just gain of glory, honor, and power are fine, 11.2
but money easily leads to vice, 11.3
it all began with Sulla, 11.4-7, and his feminizing of his army--[stock theme of oriental looseness]
soldiers learned to be greedy and to unjustly treat the vanquished, pillaging, 11.6-7
our young men became thoughtless and reckless, 12.1-2
to rule is made equivalent to being free to injure, 12.5
today's mansions are overdone; one symptom of the self-indulgence that came forth, 13
when the young ran through their property, they turned to crime, 13.4
14-16 corruption of and by Catiline
Catiline turned young people's and wretched people's desires into loyalty to himself, 14
Catiline very guilty over his misdeeds (he even killed his son); very bad conscience; pallid madman, 15
Plans to overthrow the government using his band of marauders (and Sulla's veterans), 16
army was elsewhere; Senate was not alert, 16.4
17-24 meeting of conspirators (including Catiline's speech) in June 64; further effects
Catiline had acted as ringleader, gathering support of individuals in low and high places (the latter seeking power more than riches), 17
some rich young men preferred uncertainty to certainty, war to peace, 17.6
Crassus perhaps even condoning, 17.7
18-19 on the "first" conspiracy, in 66/65
Catiline unable to stand for election in 65 (to take office in 64) due to extortion charge (in 66, P. Sulla and Autronius also had been convicted of bribes and, having been consuls-elect, lost their posts and did not take office in 65), 18.1-3
Cn. Piso, a young man of bad character desiring wealth, being goaded on [by Cat.?] to overthrow the government, 18.4; wants possession of Spain; they prepare to murder the consuls and take control, 18.5
Plot discovered [by who?] so postponed a month, but on the day Catiline gives the signal too early [not enough conspirators had assembled to do the work], 18.6-8
[note: this conspiracy is not well attested, and confused; see Syme 1964, 91 ff., for an account Syme also doesn't believe: Crassus and Caesar had run Catiline against Cicero, with Crassus eyeing Pompey; according to Suetonius, it was Caesar who failed to give the signal, because Crassus never showed up; Piso had also been on their side; Sallust followed Cicero's lead in giving Catiline a larger role, in order to clear Caesar of involvement. Syme continues to demolish this scenario through p. 101. But he offers no good alternative. As for the two "slips"--why can't Catiline be lying (rather than have Sallust in error)?]
Crassus has Piso sent to Spain anyway--to keep him out of the way, but on the back burner to challenge Pompey if necessary, 19.1-3; Piso reported slain by his Spanish cavalry, though details not certain, 19.4-5
Catiline's speech, 20--now he is acting like a general
trusts his followers through experience (2-3) and friendship (3)
need to free the many from the few powerful men (7, 11-13)
better to die fighting (9) than not to fight, to remain slaves (17)
freedom shall bring riches, honor, and glory (14-15)
offers body and soul (16)
Catiline then promises all kinds of spoils of war, claims followers abroad (including an army), 21.1-3
also says that Antonius [Catiline is too] is running for consul (running in 64), and they might work revolution from within, 21.3
not enough evidence to credit wilder stories of this meeting, 22
23-24 election of Cicero
A conspirator, Quintus Curius, tells his mistress Fulvia about the plot, and she reports it, 23.1-4
She tells many people, who work to get Cicero elected consul in 64, 23.5
Fact of a common enemy makes individuals swallow jealousy and pride, choosing the best men among the remaining candidates even though Cicero is a homo novus, 23.6
Antonius and Cicero elected, 24.1
Catiline becomes furious after his defeat, making a multitude of plans: hoards arms, borrows money, gains more supporters of all conditions and both sexes, 24.2-4
he will set fire to Rome [probably at the rich people's houses], 24.4
25 on Sempronia: an example of a follower who lusted for money (and more)
Had virtues of birth, beauty, education, but perverted all to bad ends [like Catiline himself]
26-33 C's second defeat in elections in 63; effects
While running, kept laying plots against Cicero, who always escaped them, due to intelligence via Fulvia via Quintus Curius, 26.1-3; Cicero had also traded Macedonia for Gaul [so as to have strategic control rather than riches] with Antonius [who then had an interest in keeping the conspirators down], 26.4
Catiline defeated in 63, 26.5 [by Silanus and Murena]
C. dispatches Gaius Manlius et al. to make plans outside of Rome and prepare for war, while in Rome making even more plans, which continue to fail, 27.1-2 (Manlius in Etruria gaining the same kind of post-Sulla followers, 28.4)
so he holds another general meeting explaining that the conspirators must dispose of Cicero and then make war, 27.3-4
so a couple of guys try to kill him at home, but Curius via Fulvia gets the word to Cicero, and this plan fails too, 28.1-3 [this attempt actually follows the elections, on Nov. 7]
Senate's reaction 29-31
Cicero has no good informant in Etruria against Manlius, so he calls in the Senate, which gives war powers to the consuls, 29 [apparently this was Oct. 20, 63, the original date for the elections; the elections are postponed to Oct. 28; i.e. Cicero notified the Senate, independent of the Etruria situation at first, having gotten anonymous warnings about assassination attempts (Ramsey, p. 19)]
Just after the election [assuming 10/28], Senate gets news of Manlius's war forces having taken the field on 10/27, 30.1
the rumors of conspiracy are again [see First C.] brought forth, 30.2
Senate dispatches generals to the hot spots, 30.3-4 (they had been successful but apparently didn't enter Rome to claim a triumph because they had to make bribes to keep their imperium, say Sallust/Rolfe, so they were stationed outside the gates already); dispatches praetors to raise further armies, 30.5 (including Celer, who later, ch. 42, catches some conspirators)
Senate offers rewards for informations, 30.6
Senate militarizes Rome, creating "sudden and general gloom" where there had been frivolity, 30.7-31.3
[ [cf. post-9/11/2001 U.S.]
Catiline arraigned under the Plautian law against breaches of peace (early Nov.), 31.4; Catiline goes before the Senate [just following the failed assassination of Cicero], 31.5; Cicero delivers First Catilinarian urging Catiline to leave, which riles the Senate against him and inflames more ire from Catiline, in a mad outburst, 31.6-9 [then must deliver the Second C. to the people, to explain the martial law in Rome]
Catiline leaves to join Manlius, leaving others to fulfill his plans in Rome, 32.1-2
Manlius with his army sends a letter to Marcius Rex (the general sent by the Senate) and his own army, 32.3-33
Purpose of war: to regain liberties and be relieved of debts, 33.1-3
Not seeking power or riches, but freedom from the moneylenders and the praetor's injustice, 33.4-5
Marcius responds that reform must come from the Senate freely, not under threat, 34.1
Catiline sends many letters pretending to go off to exile at Massilia, 34.2; a more truthful letter to Quintus Catulus, 34.3
Catulus's letter read in the Senate [does Catulus get any of the reward offered at 30.6?]
Catiline counts on his loyalty through experience and friendship [as above], 35.1
Having failed to win a position of honor, "I followed my usual custom and took up the general cause of the unfortunate," 35.2-3
Claims no fault, that the suspicions are "baseless," 35.3; his wife Orestilla is paying off his debts, too
"I have adopted measures which are honourable enough considering my situation," 35.4
Senate: learns that C. has headed for Manlius, names both of them enemies/traitors; agrees to hold a levy and to send Antonius with a second army against them, 36.1-3
36-39 post-Sulla Romans corrupt; a terrible time for imperial Rome (36.4)
Nobody betrayed the conspiracy, even after all that the Senate did and the promises of amnesty and reward, 36.5
nobody deserted Catiline's camp
meanwhile, Rome really was rich and had been peaceful
"the whole body of the commons through desire for change favoured the designs of Catiline," 37.1-3
the city populace acted from desperation, having squandered their wealth or ruined their reputations, in Rome or elsewhere (then having come to Rome), 37.4-5; or from love of wealth, remembering Sulla's feasts, 37.6; or from idleness and hope of the dole, 37.7-8; or from love of power, remembering Sulla's in his own victory, 37.9, or wanting to overthrow the ruling party so as to gain power for their own party, 37.10
The young tribunes (after 70) had excited the commons by attacking the senate and offering promises, 38.1
the nobles fought them--not really for the senate but for themselves, 38.2
indeed nobody defended one side or the other, but themselves, 38.3-4
The power of the commons had decreased during the war against the pirates and Mithridates, 39.1-2
But this merely kept a lid on their boiling; the hope of revolution greatly stirred them, 39.3
indeed any sign that Catiline had a chance would have shown enough weakness in the ruling class that a stronger adversary (Rolfe says Crassus or Caesar, p. 67) would take power [as ultimately happened], 39.4-5
Lentulus, following Catiline in Rome, had continued to rouse revolutionaries, 39.6
40-43, on the Allobroges and other disorders
Lentulus sends Publius Umbrenus to try to get the Allobroges (a Gallic people) into an offensive alliance, 40.1-3
They are willing to do just about anything to get out of debt, 40.4
Umbrenus takes envoys to house of D. Brutus (where Sempronia is) and makes the plot seem larger than it is, 40.5-6
Allobroges choose the republic over the conspiracy, and tell Cicero via Sanga (Roman patron), who gets them to further entrap the conspirators, 41
Meanwhile, those being stirred up in Gaul and elsewhere are already revolting, causing annoyance more than danger, 42
The plot, 43: when C. is safe with Manlius's army, Bestia will denounce Cicero, the signal for mayhem to ensue the next night (e.g., a dozen fires in the city, and many victims in the nobility, plus Cicero); then those in Rome will rush out to join Catiline, 43.1-2
Cethegus can hardly wait and wants no more planning but action, 43.3-4
[but it is too late; the conspirators are caught before the plan is ready (Catiline delayed too long, couldn't get his army close enough into Gaul to set the plan in motion (53.4), for Antonius is already chasing him.)]
44-48 betrayal by Allobroges; effects
Allobroges are getting the conspirators on record, 44.1-2
Lentulus to send a letter to Catiline (via Volturicus, heading back with the Allobroges to Gaul): time to include even the slaves; Rome is ripe, 44.3-6
Volturicus and Allobroges stopped on the Mulvian Bridge; Allobroges desert V.; he surrenders, 45
Immediate summoning of the senate and arrest of the main conspirators, 46
Conspirators confronted and placed under house arrest, 47
The plebs were in for the booty but not the fires, so when they learned of the fires [via the Third Catilinarian] they changed allegiance from Catiline to Cicero, 48
48-50 attempts to implicate Crassus and Caesar
Tarquinius seems to be making his way to Catiline, is arrested, brought before the senate, says he has word from Crassus to Catiline, 48.3-5; but his testimony is suspect, and Crassus is too important to implicate, so Cicero has the senate vote that Tarquinius is lying, 48.5-6; Crassus says that Cicero put Tarquinius up to it, to limit Crassus's power (he has a habit of advocating for the wicked), though others say it is Autronius, 48.7-9
Piso and Catulus try to get Cicero to implicate Caesar, but Cicero won't be persuaded or bribed, 49.1-3
They stir up rumors and hostility themselves, almost getting some Roman knights to kill Caesar, 49.4
Lentulus and Cethegus try to get their followers to free them from arrest, 50.1-2, which spurs Cicero to call for a speedy decision about what to do with the conspirators, 50.3
50-52, debate about justice (incl. speeches of Caesar and Cato)
Silanus calls for the death penalty (though after Caesar speaks, he changes his mind), 50.4-5
Speech of Caesar: body vs. mind in making decisions, 51.1-5; precedent for showing mercy and not showing vengeance on enemies, 51.6-7; it's a matter of dignity, 51.7; follow the normal peacetime law, 51.8; not a matter of wartime emotion, 51.9-14; think of our reputation for kindness vs. cruelty, 51.12-18,25; we need not fear, having strong guards, 51.19; death is no penalty or punishment, for there is no afterlife, and chance for punishment in this life is lost, 51.20; citizens may be sent into exile but not killed, 51.21-24; may be right to kill now, but the precedent could get innocent people killed under a bad government, 51.26-36 (like what happened in Athens and under Sulla, 51.28-34); we have advanced beyond those days, and must be wary of abuse in this age of faction, 51.37-42 ["we can barely hold what they gloriously won" echoes Sallust at the beginning]; Bottom line: imprisonment for good, 51.43. [Caesar is applying peacetime law vs. wartime law--see ch. 9]
[Fourth C.: Cicero against Caesar's view; Cicero had advocated Catiline's death already in First C.]
Speech of Cato: it's not about punishment, but precautions to protect lives and liberty, 52.1-6; we did not take precautions before, 52.7-9; gentleness and mercy actually squander the goods we are trying to preserve, 52.10-12; Caesar's denial of an afterlife is ludicrous, 52.13; Caesar's idea of imprisonment is impractical, 52.14-15; Caesar trusts too much in the guards and is alone in not fearing, 52.16; any sign of weakness will be capitalized upon by Catiline [and, Sallust has said, the plebs, though it may be too late for Catiline to get their support], 52.17-18; a country ultimately does not live by arms but by [what Sallust would call] qualities of mind: efficiency, just rule, "in counsel an independent spirit free from guilt [one of Catiline's motivations] or passion [what Sallust and Caesar both had warned against]," 52.19-21--instead, we have arms but idleness, not merit but wealth and ambition [cf. Sallust], 52.22; "the natural result is an attack upon the defenseless republic," 52.23; do not hesitate, for that brings offense to the gods, rather kill these wartime enemies, for indeed there are good precedents for such killing, 52.24-36 [Cato is applying wartime law--see ch. 9. An old question easily answered: "let those who have confessed be treated as though they had been caught red-handed in capital offences," 52.36; i.e., planned war equals war]
53-54 on Caesar and Cato
Senate agrees with Cato, 53.1
Sallust reflects on the greatness of Rome: "After long reflection I became convinced that it had all been accomplished by the eminent merit of a few citizens; that it was due to them that poverty had triumphed over riches, and a few over a multitude," 53.4; afterward, the state chugged along degenerating, 53.5. But there are two men of "towering merit," Cato and Caesar, from the past generation, 53.6.
52: Caesar: generous; Cato upright; one gentleness and compassion, the other austere; one giving kindly, the other never bribing; one merciful, the other unyielding; Caesar looking for a field to show merit; Cato looking for self-control and cultivating austerity--vies "with the active in good works, with the self-restrained in moderation, with the blameless in integrity. He preferred to be, rather than to seem, virtuous"--thus fame accrued without seeking [Caesar as the Homeric hero and Cato as the Stoic or Aristotelian one]
55 execution. Lentulus led personally to the dungeon/jail by Cicero, and all are strangled.
56-61 Catiline's last days, final speech
56 - Meanwhile, war with Catiline. Antonius chasing him, but he continues to refuse to enroll slaves--[keeping up appearance that it is "a citizens' cause," 56.5]
57 - news of the executions in Rome reaches Catiline's army; heavy desertions; C. tries to escape into Transalpine Gaul, but Celer in the Picene district blocks his path. Shut in, Catiline decides to fight Antonius.
Speech of Catiline to his army: courage, not words, cause great actions, 58.1-3; winning means security and freedom, whereas the opponents are fighting not for themselves but for their few leaders, and fear means losing and servitude, 58.4-20; "fighting like heroes, leave the enemy a bloody and tearful victory," 58.21.
59 - C. sends away the horses and sets up for battle; Antonius is ill and lets Petreius be in charge (Rolfe says that Cassius Dio believes the illness was feigned to Antonius would not have to fight his old associate; doesn't seem likely to be the reason, to me--Antonius wants to get back to his rich province of Macedonia in one piece). Petreius a man of long experience, and knows how to be a general.
60 - the fight; Catiline performs "the duties of a valiant soldier and of a skilful leader" [so why does he seem like such a madman to Sallust, earlier? (adrenaline now?)] Petreius sees Catiline's success and fights harder; Manlius falls and C's army is routed; Catiline chooses to die fighting and leaps into the thick of the enemy.
61 - "it became evidenct what boldness and resolution had pervaded Catiline's army" (61.1), since none had deserted his position. Catiline found "breathing slightly" with "indomitable spirit" showing on his face, 62.4.
Rome gains a sad victory, given so many of its own casualties, 62.7-9.
Ita varie per omnem exercitum laetitia, maeror, luctus atque gaudia agitabantur.
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from The War with Jugurtha
on "institution of parties and factions" after the destruction of Carthage, XLI-XLII (Rolfe 223-27)
cf. speech of Marius, LXXIV-LXXXV (Rolfe 309-21)
----
Crassus at fault?
Some think he was in on the conspiracy, 17.7 (vs. Gnaeus Pompeius, his rival)
(they had been consuls together in 70, 38.1)
L. Tarquinius directly implicates him, but without corroboration or further evidence, 48.3 ff.
Tarquinius doesn't seem to know more than common knowledge