Benjamin Franklin Reading Journal
London Period, 1757-1775

Letter to ? 1757, p. 748: see Religion.

Letter to Jane Mecom 1758, p. 755: plays "Commentator and Critic" on an acrostic poem to his cousin: build faith and hope upon CHARITY, rather than v.v. Changes "words" to "deeds" as the true expression of kindness; the usual on words vs. works among the population.

"Humourous Reasons for Restoring Canada" 1759, p. 532-35: Satire: give Canada back to France because it hurts the colonies and helps France; shows our courage; etc.

Letter to Lord Kames 1760, p. 765: Franklin is preparing a work for the benefit of youth--and adults too--on The Art of Virtue (cf. Autobiog.; Poor Richard). We all want to lead good, moral lives; this book will teach HOW to do it (cf. Autobiog.). This is more like a CRAFT of virtue. Virtue acquired by nature, but also by habit (cf. Arist.), as well as though habits arising out of faith (for Christians esp.). This book is directed to those with a weak faith who still want to become good. Doing so is easiest with habits acquired in youth (cf. Arist.), but the principles are universal.

"On the Prospects of War in America" 1766, pp. 566 f.: Satire: if the Americans are as bad as is said, then sure, let's impose military rule, though it's costly, etc. Written by Pacificus Secundus (in response to one Pacificus).

Letter to Cadwalader Evans 1766, p. 820: parliamentary union between America and Britain would be best, but it is impracticable: England will never give proportional representation (if any); and when we become strong enough to demand it, we shall no longer want the union.

"On the Tenure of the Manor of East Greenwich" 1766, pp. 570-73: the action of a few small rebellions in America does not mean that the whole of it is intransigent. Rather, the colonial assemblies are able to be persuaded by reason. Interpretations of the King's charter. Inconsistency in the argument that the colonies are already represented. Colonies as similar to Ireland in status. A little about international economy.

"Causes of the American Discontents Before 1768" 1768 (reprinted 1774); pp. 607 ff.: "historical state of facts": the colonies had freely and liberally given money to and raised troops for the Crown, under the idea of representative assent to taxation. But the Stamp Act changed that, as did, similarly, the Quartering Act (609), and especially the act against New York, dissolving the legislature. Governors are tyrants who oppose the colony Legislatures (611). Crown-appointed judges are little better (612). Colonists have been hard pressed by the King's protections of those in England. Ends with the rantings of the colonists--which actually are very reasonable--as though Franklin doesn't also believe them, while of course he does. Appeal to both British self-interest and natural right.

"On the Labouring Poor" 1768, pp. 622 ff., by Medicus: see Political Economy

"A New Version of the Lord's Prayer" 1768? pp. 638 ff.: see Religion.

"Positions to be Examined" 1769, pp. 643 ff.: economy tied to the soil. Comparative advantage; barter. Not capitalism here--no law of supply and demand, no scarcity mentioned. Knowledge as economic power. Ways to acquire wealth: war, commerce (cheating; unfair use of knowledge), and agriculture (honest work). [cf. Plato [RL], Weber [RL], Jefferson, resp.]

Letter to William Strahan 1769, p. 849: repealing the duties other than the tea tax, does not go far enough because of the bad "Principle of the Act" (here, Franklin is putting PRINCIPLES over COMPROMISE; cf. words vs. works), and he lists several very good reasons that the act is bad on principle (it's against rights in general). It seems that for England's part, it also sees the ability to impose such an act as a right of its own (851); but to Franklin, "fellow subjects" as free subjects of the King cannot lord it over other free subjects (same as Letter to Samuel Cooper 1770, p. 859; cf. Letter to William Franklin, Oct. 1773, p. 885). Benjamin Franklin seems to betray his true sentiment when he pretends to have no knowledge of any desire on America's part to become independent. Partly because of misinformation, "Mutual Provocations will thus go on to complete the Separation." History: just as Spain and Portugal, and other sets of countries, split, despite similarities, because of unjust government, this likely will happen also between England and America.

"The Cravenstreet Gazette" 1770, pp. 653 ff.: parodies of court journals [RL]. Choosing a husband (656) [RL]. Chronicle of the Franklin residence.

Letter to Samuel Cooper 1770, p. 858: Our bond of union is not subject to Parliament but the King. This makes Parliament jealous. We are in the same position as Scotland was: separate but still under the king, and willing to have greater union.

Letter to Jane Mecom Dec. 30, 1770, pp. 862 ff.: "My rule in which I have always found Satisfaction, is, Never to turn asside [sic] in Publick Affairs thro' views of private Interest; but to go strait forward in doing what appears to me right at the time, leaving the Consequences with Providence" (864). Men as devils to each other (possibly as fallen beings now being punished on earth).

"The Seeds Sown of a Total Disunion of the Two Countries" May 1771, pp. 669 ff.: To the Mass. House of Rep's: the colonial governors and such are insolent and rapacious, and falsely accuse the colonists, but England believes them. Speaks as an American, hoping that the British will be seen as the aggressor when the war finally breaks out. The seeds are (1) the governors, (2) the petty taxes.

Letter to Jane Mecom, July 1771, p. 867 ff.: men as devils to each other, explained: men are more men to each other than any external force. Family tree.

Letter to J. Babcock, Jan. 1772, pp. 873 ff.: see Political Economy.

"Toleration in Old and New England" June 1772, pp. 673 ff.: | Sects and sensibility--let's put the past behind us, and get along. Modesty regarding doctrine (cf. paper). One can accommodate prejudices in compromise, while urging them away; one can move many people to act without hurting too many prejudices. [RL] | Toleration (and modesty in theologizing) as a new concept; persecution of perceived error as the old model. The Massachusetts Religion Tax. New England as a land of tolerant Dissenters; England as "far behind" (677).

"The Sommersett Case and the Slave Trade" June 1772, pp. 677-78: anti-slavery. Does sugar in our tea compare to the misery of slavery? Britain as the Pharisee, rejoicing over one petty freed slave.

"Preface to the Declaration of the Boston Town Meeting" Feb. 1773, pp. 678 ff.: American insurrection may be "interesting" to the British. Americans painted as conciliatory, British as overweening. Smuggling tea as patriotism (tea tax in effect).

"A Little Time Must Infallibly Bring Us All We Demand or Desire" July 1773, pp. 681 ff.: to the Mass. House of Rep's. A little vague on rights except as regarding taxation, but the point is to encourage Americans to band together against the unfairness of Britain. Maintaining union with England is best, though. American destiny is to become great [RL]. Britain as aged parent: decaying, but deserving respect and a little indulgence [RL]. Friends of Liberty are glad to have a free America, as insurance against problems in Britain. "By degrees and a judicious Improvement of Events we may work a Change in Minds and Measures" (685).

"[20] Rules by Which a Great Empire May Be Reduced to a Small One" Sept. 1773, pp. 689 ff.: cynical, very strong execration of Britain about America: thinly veiled, if at all. Good summary of the American grievances. Britain as devilish (693).

"An Edict by the King of Prussia" Sept. 1773, pp. 698 ff.: Germany imposing duties on Britain, and requiring all ships of British commerce to pass through Koningsberg! and other rich satire along the same lines, summarizing American grievances. Repeats (as we're seeing more and more of) the same things we have seen from Franklin before. Further clear mockery at the end: Britain as tyrannical and arbitrary and downright mean.

Letter to William Franklin, Oct. 1773, p. 885: to his son. On writing style with its "capitalling and italicing": this is better able "to bring [written discourses] as near as possible to those spoken" (886), while "printing such a piece all in one even small character [like our modern way--AK], seems to me like repeating one of Whitfield's sermons in the monotony of a school-boy." (Very good argument!)

"On a Proposed Act to Prevent Emigration" Dec. 1773, pp. 704 ff.: see Political Economy.

"Proposed Articles of Confederation" July 1775, pp. 730 ff.: see Int'l Relations.

"Account of the Devices on the Continental Bills of Credit" Sept. 1775, pp. 734 ff.: the "emblematical" meanings of the images on currency: the symbols are all about America. Harp = concordance of the colonies within a frame. Wild boar = "death or liberty." Eagle killed by a (weaker and conciliatory) crane = G.B. vs. America. Bleeding hand and thorny bush = ditto. Beaver/perseverance = America. Acanthus plant/rising from oppression = ditto. "Threshing improves it [wheat]" = ditto. "It [storm cloud] will clear up," tempestuous sea (due to wind), and high waves = G.B. vs. Amer. Monument and wreath = for good deeds (esp. Congress). Quotes: "he who does right . . .will be King" [Lemay].