Ralph Waldo Emerson
Essays--First and Second Series
Reading notes--Adam Kissel
POLITICS
pp. 366-82 (Riverside edn. = R, 197-221)
institutions of state are not aboriginal [cf. use of
term in “Self-Reliance”]; they are secondary to the citizen, 366
all institutions were once ideas in someone’s mind, 366
politics rest on necessary foundations; i.e.,
they must build on ideas, 367
statutes represent past arguments, 367
the history of the state sketches the progress of
thought, 368
institutions can be superseded (though the young do not recognize
this), 366
the state follows, does not lead the character and progress of the
citizen
(the young, idealistically, do not see this), 367
Political theory considers persons and property as
objects protected by government, 368
Persons:
equal rights via identical nature,
seems to call for democracy, 368
all have access to reason, 368
Property:
unequal; depends on skill and virtue
and patrimony and gift/commerce, 368
implies unequal property rights;
seems to call for government framed around ownership, 368-69
therefore two sets of laws tend to arise, though they are
interrelated, 369
there is often attempt to give
property more elective franchise, given idea that equity not equality is
justice, 369
but this seems to keep the rich in
perpetual control over the poor, 370
Perhaps the idea of property inherently demeans and hurts persons:
if so, person-law must be the only interest
this is supported by the idea that the
highest end of government is the culture of men,
via education that develops the
moral sentiment, 370
Yet
the old keep failing to pass political wisdom to the young, 370
so
there is always an ignorant and deceivable majority, 370
luckily,
there are natural limits to political folly; humanity will out, 370-71
Nature
determines the outlines of the form and method of governing, 372
On the decisive effect of ideas on group actions, 371
Government is context-specific; expedient; the religious
sentiment of the time accords with the choice of government, 372
The actual state never reaches the ideal; laws are
underdetermined, 372
parties are founded on certain instincts and mark a real and
lasting relation, 373
they err when they go beyond their natural
system; this is the corruption by personality, a false leader, 373
who is in which party often depends on
accidents, not principle, 373
parties based on
principles/instincts degenerate when the “leaders” do, 373
sometimes parties persist merely through
circumstance (very context-specific), which makes them myopic, 373
Good people (philosopher, poet, religious man) believe in
the liberal causes, but they cannot happily support the kinds of persons
put forward to represent the party or those issues. American radicalism is aimless and destructive, not loving, 374
Conservatives have better men but worse principles [cf. First Series],
being mainly/merely defensive of property; such parties aspire to no real good,
no generosity, construction, liberation, 374
Neither party fully benefits science, art, humanity as much as human resources
actually permit, 374
We have turbulent freedom, yet we cherish human nature,
which incorporates natural checks and balances among the forces in society,
374-75
wild liberty, e.g., develops an iron conscience,
375
Laws reflect the nation’s conscience, 375
laws somehow express some reason, some compromise among competing interests--at
first poorly (experimentally), 376
but they aim at the will of the wise man, symbolizing the ideal immortal
government
People should not have dominion over each other, 376;
Emerson against force, 377
We must truly perceive how it is for each other, to make law together, 377
Implication: less government, fewer laws, less yielded
power: rather promote influence of private character, growth of the individual,
appearance of the wise man, 377-78; in short, character, the end of
nature. The state should exist
to educate the wise man, and when man is wise, the state becomes unnecessary,
for all are wise and self-reliant.
Indeed all convention becomes moot, 378.
But we do not yet have a reign of character, though all implicitly admit that
there ought to be one, and our conscience agrees; even politicians tacitly
agree through their words and deeds, 378-79.
Yet what sincere man could choose to become a politician, given its
hollow personal relations? (380)
Modernity: tendency toward individual freedom, 380
even more than freedom as the basis of the state, that basis
should be love, which cannot be a matter of party
Antithesis/the reality: selfish men require a government of force, vs. that of friendship/love/wisdom/moral sentiment, 380-81. No one has sufficient faith in the goodness of man to make right and love the principle of renovating the state, 381-82.
[Riverside often notes that Emerson would say that his larger project included smaller reform projects, so that he really was a reformer after all]