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\title{Institutions and Foreign Aid}


\author{}
% Ethan Bueno de Mesquita\\ \small{Harris School of Public Policy Studies}\\ \small{University of Chicago}}




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\begin{document}

\begin{frame}
  \titlepage
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			\begin{frame}{3 Foreign Aid Challenges}
				
				Currently, foreign aid does little to foster economic development

\

				Western democracies give foreign aid to some pretty unsavory regimes

\

				Much foreign aid is expropriated by corrupt leaders, never reaching the target population
		\end{frame}
		
	
		
			\begin{frame}
				\begin{center}
				\begin{figure}
					\includegraphics[scale=.5]{figures/sachs.pdf}
				\end{figure}
			\end{center}
		\end{frame}
		
		\begin{frame}{Diagnosis: Poverty Traps}
				Poor countries cannot attract investment, due to lack of human capital and infrastructure

				\

				This ``investment gap'' makes poor countries losers in globalization, widening gap so the poor get even poorer
				
				\
				
				This makes it even harder for poor countries to attract investment

\

				This vicious cycle is a poverty traps
				
			
		\end{frame}	
		
			\begin{frame}{How Aid Is Supposed to Work?}

			



			Aid allows investment in infrastructure and human capital
			
			\
			
			Facilitating outside investment

\

			Aid can lift poor countries out of the poverty trap vicious cycle and replace it with a virtuous cycle of investment and growth
			
			\
			
			Aid is meant as a short- to medium-term measure, not permanent subsistance
\end{frame}

	
		
		
			\begin{frame}
				\begin{center}
				\begin{figure}
					\includegraphics[scale = .5]{figures/easterly.pdf}
				\end{figure}
			\end{center}
		\end{frame}
		
	


				\begin{frame}{Are There Poverty Traps?}
							
							
							From 1950--2001 the growth rate of the bottom 20\% of countries is indistinguishable from the growth rate of the top 80\% of countries
							
							\
							
							Of 28 poorest 20\% in 1950, 11 no longer among the poorest 20\% in 1985
							\end{frame} 
					
				\begin{frame}{Does Aid Work?: Easterly's View}
					
					From 1950--2001, within 20\% of poorest countries, aid recipients did not grow faster
				
					\
				
					In 1990's average African country received aid equal to 15\% of GDP, yet growth plummeted
				
				\
				
					Of 88 aid recipients between 1965--1995, only 6 had more than dollar-for-dollar growth
						\begin{itemize}
							\item Hong Kong, China, Morocco, Tunisia, Sri Lanka, Malta
						\end{itemize}
						\end{frame}

						\begin{frame}
									\begin{center}
									\begin{figure}
										\includegraphics[scale = .4]{figures/africa.pdf}
									\end{figure}
								\end{center}
							\end{frame}
			
			\begin{frame}{Does Aid Work?:  Best Evidence}
				
				Countries that just barely qualify for aid have higher groth than countries that just fail to qualify (Galiani et al., 2014)
					\begin{itemize}
						\item 1 percentage point increase in the aid-to-GNI  raises per capita GDP growth by 0.35 percentage points
						\end{itemize}
						
						\
						
					Aid flows from OPEC to poor Muslim countries due to oil shocks have mixed effecdts (Werker et al 2009)
						\begin{itemize}
							\item No effect on growth, positive effect on consumption, negative effect on savings
							\end{itemize}
							
						\
						
					Dutch disease: aid inflows $\Rightarrow$ currency appreciation $\Rightarrow$ lower growth in exporting industries (Rajan and Subramanian, 2011)
						
						\
						
						Aid associated with decreased democracy, increased corruption, increased conflict
			\end{frame}
			
			\begin{frame}{Easterly's Optimal Aid Policy}
				
			
				Key is conditionality to create good incentives
				
				\
				
				Non-corrupt governments who pursue rational economic policy
				
				\
						
				 Aid organizations that rigorously measure and report outputs rather than inputs
				\end{frame}
				
			\begin{frame}{The Foreign Aid Challenge}			
					
					
				Donor governments are not following this advice
				
				\
				
				If a  policy entrepreneur is interested in better aid policy, need to know why
				\end{frame}
				
					\begin{frame}
						\begin{center}
						\begin{figure}
							\includegraphics[height = .9\textheight]{figures/bdm_smith.pdf}
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					\end{center}
				\end{frame}
				
							
						\begin{frame}{The Politics of Aid Policy}
							
							Think of foreign aid as an exchange of money for policy concessions
								\begin{itemize}
									\item Egyptian security cooperation with Israel
						
									\its Flyover rights during Iraq and Afghanistan wars
						
									\its Lower trade barriers
								\end{itemize}
								
							\
							
							The pattern of economically inefficient aid may be politically optimal
								\begin{itemize}
									\item Aid is not intended to help the poor
								\end{itemize}
							\end{frame}
									
						\begin{frame}{Costs and Benefits of Giving Aid}
													
													\textbf{Costs:} Aid uses resources that a donor-country leader could have used for domestic purposes
													
													\
													
													\textbf{Benefits:} Aid purchases policy concessions which help the donor-country leader's domestic constituents
													\end{frame}
									
						
					\begin{frame}{Aid Will Go to Autocrats}
						Donor-country leader must give recipient-country leader enough aid to compensate for cost of policy concession
							\begin{itemize}
								\item Look for the cheapest recipient country 
							\end{itemize}

	\

						Democratic leaders depend on good policy to stay in office, so they are expensive to buy off
							\begin{itemize}
								\item Democratic countries are unattractive aid-for-policy targets 
							\end{itemize}
								
	 						\

	Because it is cheaper to buy off autocrats  with aid than to buy off democrats, most aid will flow to autocracies
					\end{frame}
					
					\begin{frame}{The Political Reality of Foreign Aid}
						Most aid will be from democrats to autocrats

	\

						Only give aid to democrat when there isn't an autocrat who can provide similar concessions
						
						\
					

						Aid packages to democrats will be rare, but when given, will be large
							\begin{itemize}
								\item Democrats more expensive to buy off
						\end{itemize}
					
					\end{frame}
		
		\begin{frame}{Some Facts from OECD Aid Data}
			
			Autocracies more likely to receive aid

	\

			Conditional on aid being given, democracies receive larger packages

	\

			Poverty, death rate, not correlated with receiving aid

	\

			More likely to give to trading partners (especially Scandinavians)
	\end{frame}		
		
		\begin{frame}{Politics and Aid: Best Evidence}
			
			Rotating membership of non-permanent members of UN Security Council
			
			\
			
			Variation in importance of issues facing security council each year
			
			\
			
			Countries receive more foreign aid when they have a vote on security council in years when issues are important
			
			\
			
			Aid may be buying influence on security council
			\end{frame}
			
				\begin{frame}{The Perverse Welfare Effects of Foreign Aid}
							
							Good for donor leader	
							 \begin{itemize}
								\item 	Policy concession helps domestic constituents
							\end{itemize}
			
			\
			
							Good for recipient leader
								\begin{itemize}
									\item Resources can be expropriated and used to reward key supporters or stolen
								\end{itemize}
								
								\
			
							Good for donor citizens 
							
							\
							
							\pause \textbf{Bad for recipient citizens!}
								\begin{itemize}
									\item Make policy concession and keep autocratic leader in office longer
								\end{itemize}
						
						\end{frame}
						
						\begin{frame}{Lessons for the Policy Entrepreneur}
							
							Do not simply advocate for more aid or ``better aid''
								\begin{itemize}
									\item Aid is ``ineffective" because of political strategy, not  because government doesn't understand how to do aid 
								\end{itemize}
								
							\
						
								Strategies for an aid-policy entrepreneur	
								\begin{itemize}
									\item Privatize/de-politicize the delivery of foreign aid
							
									\its Encourage multi-lateral over bi-lateral aid
									
									\its Identify and empower institutional actors with incentives for non-politicized aid
									
									\its Grass roots mobilization on efficacy, not level, of aid?
								
									
								\end{itemize}
							
						\
						
						Aid may be doing more harm than good
							\end{frame}
							
	
			
	

\end{document}